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45 Republican Pedophiles
by It's obvious Tuesday, Oct. 31, 2006 at 11:24 PM

An expose of the Gay Old Pedophile Party.


  • Republican anti-abortion activist Howard Scott Heldreth is a convicted child rapist in Florida.
  • Republican County Commissioner David Swartz pleaded guilty to molesting two girls under the age of 11 and was sentenced to 8 years in prison.
  • Republican judge Mark Pazuhanich pleaded no contest to fondling a 10-year old girl and was sentenced to 10 years probation.
  • Republican anti-abortion activist Nicholas Morency pleaded guilty to possessing child pornography on his computer and offering a bounty to anybody who murders an abortion doctor.
  • Republican legislator Edison Misla Aldarondo was sentenced to 10 years in prison for raping his daughter between the ages of 9 and 17.
  • Republican Mayor Philip Giordano is serving a 37-year sentence in federal prison for sexually abusing 8- and 10-year old girls.
  • Republican campaign consultant Tom Shortridge was sentenced to three years probation for taking nude photographs of a 15-year old girl.
  • Republican racist pedophile and United States Senator Strom Thurmond had sex with a 15-year old black girl which produced a child.
  • Republican pastor Mike Hintz, whom George W. Bush commended during the 2004 presidential campaign, surrendered to police after admitting to a sexual affair with a female juvenile.
  • Republican legislator Peter Dibble pleaded no contest to having an inappropriate relationship with a 13-year-old girl.
  • Republican activist Lawrence E. King, Jr. organized child sex parties at the White House during the 1980s.
  • Republican lobbyist Craig J. Spence organized child sex parties at the White House during the 1980s.
  • Republican Congressman Donald "Buz" Lukens was found guilty of having sex with a female minor and sentenced to one month in jail.
  • Republican fundraiser Richard A. Delgaudio was found guilty of child porn charges and paying two teenage girls to pose for sexual photos.
  • Republican activist Mark A. Grethen convicted on six counts of sex crimes involving children.
  • Republican activist Randal David Ankeney pleaded guilty to attempted sexual assault on a child.
  • Republican Congressman Dan Crane had sex with a female minor working as a congressional page.
  • Republican activist and Christian Coalition leader Beverly Russell admitted to an incestuous relationship with his step daughter.
  • Republican congressman and anti-gay activist Robert Bauman was charged with having sex with a 16-year-old boy he picked up at a gay bar.
  • Republican Committee Chairman Jeffrey Patti was arrested for distributing a video clip of a 5-year-old girl being raped.
  • Republican activist Marty Glickman (a.k.a. "Republican Marty"), was taken into custody by Florida police on four counts of unlawful sexual activity with an underage girl and one count of delivering the drug LSD.
  • Republican legislative aide Howard L. Brooks was charged with molesting a 12-year old boy and possession of child pornography.
  • Republican Senate candidate John Hathaway was accused of having sex with his 12-year old baby sitter and withdrew his candidacy after the allegations were reported in the media.
  • Republican preacher Stephen White, who demanded a return to traditional values, was sentenced to jail after offering $20 to a 14-year-old boy for permission to perform oral sex on him.
  • Republican talk show host Jon Matthews pleaded guilty to exposing his genitals to an 11 year old girl.
  • Republican anti-gay activist Earl "Butch" Kimmerling was sentenced to 40 years in prison for molesting an 8-year old girl after he attempted to stop a gay couple from adopting her.
  • Republican Party leader Paul Ingram pleaded guilty to six counts of raping his daughters and served 14 years in federal prison.
  • Republican election board official Kevin Coan was sentenced to two years probation for soliciting sex over the internet from a 14-year old girl.
  • Republican politician Andrew Buhr was charged with two counts of first degree sodomy with a 13-year old boy.
  • Republican politician Keith Westmoreland was arrested on seven felony counts of lewd and lascivious exhibition to girls under the age of 16 (i.e. exposing himself to children).
  • Republican anti-abortion activist John Allen Burt was charged with sexual misconduct involving a 15-year old girl.
  • Republican County Councilman Keola Childs pleaded guilty to molesting a male child.
  • Republican activist John Butler was charged with criminal sexual assault on a teenage girl.
  • Republican candidate Richard Gardner admitted to molesting his two daughters.
  • Republican Councilman and former Marine Jack W. Gardner was convicted of molesting a 13-year old girl.
  • Republican County Commissioner Merrill Robert Barter pleaded guilty to unlawful sexual contact and assault on a teenage boy.
  • Republican City Councilman Fred C. Smeltzer, Jr. pleaded no contest to raping a 15 year-old girl and served 6-months in prison.
  • Republican activist Parker J. Bena pleaded guilty to possession of child pornography on his home computer and was sentenced to 30 months in federal prison and fined $18,000.
  • Republican parole board officer and former Colorado state representative, Larry Jack Schwarz, was fired after child pornography was found in his possession.
  • Republican strategist and Citadel Military College graduate Robin Vanderwall was convicted in Virginia on five counts of soliciting sex from boys and girls over the internet.
  • Republican city councilman Mark Harris, who is described as a "good military man" and "church goer," was convicted of repeatedly having sex with an 11-year-old girl and sentenced to 12 years in prison.
  • Republican businessman Jon Grunseth withdrew his candidacy for Minnesota governor after allegations surfaced that he went swimming in the nude with four underage girls, including his daughter.
  • Republican director of the "Young Republican Federation" Nicholas Elizondo molested his 6-year old daughter and was sentenced to six years in prison.
  • Republican benefactor of conservative Christian groups, Richard A. Dasen Sr., was charged with rape for allegedly paying a 15-year old girl for sex. Dasen, 62, who is married with grown children and several grandchildren, has allegedly told police that over the past decade he paid more than $1 million to have sex with a large number of young women.

Given the above mentioned documentation it seems clear, to me at least, that NAMBLA (the so-called North American Man-Boy Love Association) is a subsidiary of the Republican Party.

Moreover, given the aforementioned facts it appears to me that sexual depravity is a defining characteristic of the Republican Party--from the Republican leadership to the rank-and-file right-wing boob. And, now, we can add Mark Foley to the list.

add your comments

666 THE DEVIL (GEORGE WARMONGER BUSH) on GOP (Government Of Pedophiles) in High Places
by 666 THE DEVIL (GEORGE WARMONGER BUSH) Wednesday, Nov. 01, 2006 at 1:53 AM

666 THE DEVIL (GEORGE WARMONGER BUSH) : "Sorry to Oil the GOP aka Government Of Pedophiles, the Kidding Around in Congress and Senate, the Sexual Blackmail of GOP Pedophiles, and the Rubber Stamp for War in the Middle East but Oil comes First. FILL HER UP ?????????"

add your comments

fill 'er up
by fill 'er up Thursday, Nov. 02, 2006 at 11:17 PM

add your comments

Pedophiles at the Department of Justice, Canada
by Karen Dickson Tuesday, Nov. 21, 2006 at 1:28 PM
karen.dickson@ 905 824-4639 3485 Nutcracker Drive, Mississauga, Ontario

I am a ten year lawyer and drug prosecutor formerly employed at the Department of Justice, Canada.

Pedophiles in my rganization hunted from the very offices next to mine. They use the Children's Aid Societies to "apprehend" children to avoid kidnapping charges. It's Canada's tidy solution to a nasty secret.

Please do not bring children to Canada and help me stop these dangerous people.

Karen Dickson
Barrister and Solicitor

add your comments

"dangerous people"
by debate coach Wednesday, Nov. 29, 2006 at 8:06 AM

Why is it that you leftist idiots defend the homo Decadents and then dare to bleat about pedophiles?

Hypocritical steaming piles, all of you.

add your comments

Wipe Jizrael off the map
by Fuck right wing zionist racist cowards Wednesday, Nov. 29, 2006 at 9:40 AM

. Amnesty International: "Israel: Fear for Safety"
2. American priest and nun join Palestinian non-violent resistance in
3. Conference on popular non-violent joint struggle
4. Four day military detention for non-violent Bil'in activist
5. Non-violent Bil'in activist Ayad Burnat, released on bail
6. Another attack on human rights worker by Hebron settlers
7. Hebron settlers trespass on Palestinian family's land with IOF
8. Military launches investigation into 2003 shooting of ISM activist
Brian Avery
9. Carmel-Agrexco's UK headquarters blockaded for the third time
10. Soccer Showdown Shakes Shuhada Street
11. Palestinian families separated by Israel take action

November 29th, 2006

1. Amnesty International: "Israel: Fear for Safety"
2. American priest and nun join Palestinian non-violent resistance in
3. Conference on popular non-violent joint struggle
4. Four day military detention for non-violent Bil'in activist
5. Non-violent Bil'in activist Ayad Burnat, released on bail
6. Another attack on human rights worker by Hebron settlers
7. Hebron settlers trespass on Palestinian family's land with IOF
8. Military launches investigation into 2003 shooting of ISM activist
Brian Avery
9. Carmel-Agrexco's UK headquarters blockaded for the third time
10. Soccer Showdown Shakes Shuhada Street
11. Palestinian families separated by Israel take action


1. Amnesty International: "Israel: Fear for Safety"

URGENT ACTION, ISRAEL/OT: Human rights defenders in the Occupied

Human rights defenders working in the Occupied Territories are at risk
of attack by Israeli settlers. Amnesty International is concerned at
the latest such attack against those who seek through their presence to
afford protection to Palestinians and to bear witness to the abuses
perpetrated against them by Israeli settlers in the area.

On 18 November, Tove Johannsson, a 19-year old Swedish human rights
defender, was assaulted by Israeli settlers as she accompanied
Palestinian school children through an Israeli army checkpoint near the
Tel Rumeida Israeli settlement in the West Bank city of Hebron.

The attack against Tove Johannsson, a volunteer with the International
Solidarity Movement (ISM), a solidarity group of peace activists, was
witnessed and documented by several other international human rights
defenders. They reported that the group was surrounded by up to 100
Israeli settlers who spat at them, kicked and shoved them, while
Israeli soldiers standing at the checkpoint nearby took no action to
prevent the attack.

Tove Johannsson was then hit in the face with a broken bottle by an
Israeli settler, and sustained a broken cheekbone and a fracture near
her eye. Her colleagues reported that as she fell to the ground, a
group of settlers who were watching the attack clapped and cheered and
some tried to take photos of themselves next to her bleeding face,
giving the camera a 'thumbs-up' sign.

According to the ISM, one of the human rights defenders who witnessed
the attack identified three of the assailants to the police but, after
detaining them briefly, police released the three settlers, and
threatened to arrest the remaining human rights activists if they did
not leave the area immediately. Tove Johannsson filed a complaint with
the Israeli police and her colleagues
gave witness statements, but none of the assailants are known to have
been arrested. On 21 November, the Swedish Foreign Ministry expressed
concern over the assault.

This latest attack is one of many perpetrated by Israeli settlers
against international human rights defenders in recent months and
years, seemingly in an attempt to discourage and eliminate the presence
of international witnesses, thereby depriving the local Palestinian
population of this limited form of protection.


In August 2006, a Swedish and an Austrian national working for the
international organization, the Christian Peacemaker Team (CPT), were
attacked by Israeli settlers in the Southern Hebron Hills area as they
accompanied Palestinian shepherds to their land near Israeli
settlements. CPT members have worked in the Hebron area for several
years accompanying farmers to their land and monitoring the conduct of
Israeli settlers in the area, and have themselves been frequently
attacked by Israeli settlers. Amnesty International delegates were also
assaulted and beaten with wooden clubs by Israeli settlers in the
Southern Hebron Hills area in October 2004, as they were investigating
repeated attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinian children from
isolated villages on their way to and from school.

No investigations are known to have been carried out into the
complaints lodged with the Israeli police by Amnesty International
delegates and by dozens of International human rights defenders who
have been attacked by Israeli settlers in recent years. The same is
true for the complaints lodged by Palestinian victims of settlers'
attacks. The impunity enjoyed by the settlers responsible for such
attacks has in turn encouraged further attacks.

A detailed study published earlier this year by the Israeli human
rights group Yesh Din - Volunteers for Human Rights, which seeks to
promote law enforcement in cases of settlers' violence, found that 90
percent of complaints filed with the Israeli police against Israeli
settlers' attacks were closed without indictments being issued; and
that in the rare cases when assailants were indicted and convicted for
such attacks, the sentencing was not commensurate with the nature of
the attacks (see:〈=en )

Amnesty International has repeatedly called on the Israeli authorities
to remove Israeli settlements in the Occupied Territories, which are
illegal under international law.


2. American priest and nun join Palestinian non-violent resistance in

Updated by the Michigan Peace Team, November 23

On November 21 and 22, Father Peter and Sister Mary Ellen of the
Michigan Peace Team visited the homes in Jabalya and Beit Lahia, Gaza,
that have been surrounded with Palestinian men, women, and children, in
order to prevent the Israeli military from destroying them.

Peter and Mary Ellen were the first internationals to join the group of
about 75 Palestinians at the family home of Mohammed Wael Baroud, a
leader in the Popular Resistance Committees. Villagers have been
gathered at the house since the evening of Saturday, November 18th,
when the family received a phone call from the Israeli military that
they had 30 minutes to evacuate. Over 200 neighbors and friends
converged at the home to protect it from destruction.

While the media has been reporting that Hamas is using people as human
shields -a violation of international law- Father Peter and Sister
Mary Ellen have found that this was not the case. The people in Gaza
have voluntarily decided to use their presence as a form of non-violent
resistance against Israel's overwhelming military power. Men and
women alike are keeping a continual presence at the house, which is
home to four families -22 people, 10 of whom are children-- and
have stated that they will not move until the demolition is completely
called off and the soldiers apologize.

It is a violation of international law for Israel to collectively
punish the people of Gaza. Since June, the military has demolished 73
homes of suspected militants, causing hundreds of civilians to become
homeless. Peter and Mary Ellen's message to the media remained
consistent: "We do not believe in any use of violence by any side.
The occupation of Palestinian land by the Israeli military is the
fundamental violence. The use of collective punishment such as the
destruction of homes is a violation of international law. It is never
legitimate to destroy the homes of women, children, and elderly for the
actions of one person."

Palestinians expressed great gratitude to the priest and nun for their
willingness to be there in solidarity and to share in their risks. They
handed Peter and Mary Ellen their infant children to hold as a sign of
trust. Palestinian mothers had a message for the mothers in the United
States: "Come to Gaza. Visit our home. You will see we have no Apache
helicopters, we have no bombs. Come to Gaza. You are welcome."

While in Gaza, Father Peter and Sister Mary Ellen also met with a
Palestinian Catholic priest and the Director General of Emergency
Services for Gaza for the Palestinian Authority. Both leaders described
the absolutely dire situation in Gaza.

With the recent attacks by the Israeli military in Beit Hanoun and
Jabaliya, hundreds of civilians were killed and injured. There has been
a lack of consistent electricity and running water since Israeli forces
destroyed much of the civilian infrastructure this summer.

Much of the agricultural land has been bombarded and is now covered in
white ash and no longer able to sustain crops. The priest told them
that over 150,000 fruit trees have been destroyed in Beit Hanoun in the
last two years alone. Malnutrition is on the rise, and children often
eat little more than pepper sandwiches.

Children in Gaza have been traumatized. The priest told them that at
times, the F16s fly so low children are thrown from their beds. He
spoke of the increase in stunted growth, failure to thrive and signs of
trauma, including an increase in bed wetting among 12-15 year-old

Since Israel froze tax money and the United States and European Union
halted aid shortly after the election of Hamas, government employees
have not been paid. Peter and Mary Ellen were told that since June 25
when the Israeli soldier was captured, there have been over 400
Palestinians killed - mostly women and children.

The priest and nun had the chance to visit the Palestinian government
hospital in Beit Lahia. They saw how it used to hold 70 beds, but in
the past 2-3 months has needed to add another 70. The director general
of emergency services spoke of the weapons being used against
Palestinian children - missiles from Apache helicopters and F-16
fighter jets. He has seen tiny missile fragments cut through skin, and
a white phosphoric powder burn the wound. This type of injury does not
seem to be responding to treatment.

The Michigan Peace Team members will return from Gaza within a few

Corrected November 25th.

See also this article on the Gulf News website:

For photo see


3. Conference on popular non-violent joint struggle

The Bil'in Popular Committee Against the Apartheid Wall and
Settlements invites you to the 2nd Annual Conference on Popular
Non-violent Joint Struggle

April 18-20th, 2007 - Bil'in, West Bank

This conference hopes to create a network to improve coordination,
share resources, support each other's work for justice, and create
joint campaigns to stop the Apartheid Wall and end the Israeli

We will continue to devise bold ways of non-violence that say "no"
to occupation and "yes" to a just peace.

We will learn from each others practical experience, share tactics and
build on one another's strengths.

Come and be part of the joint Nonviolent struggle!

About Bil'in

Bil'in is a Palestinian village that is struggling to exist. Since
early 2005, the state of Israel has annexed close to 60% of our land
for Israeli settlements and for the construction of Israel's
apartheid wall.

Bil'in is fighting to safeguard our land, our people, and our

Bil'in's Popular Committee and village residents, supported by
Israeli and international activists, have peacefully demonstrated every
Friday since February 2005 in front of the "work-site of shame" in
opposition to the presence of the Apartheid Wall. The Israeli army has
consistently responded with teargas, sound bombs, clubs, rubber-coated
steel bullets, and live ammunition.

Bil'in is a symbol of what is happening across all of Palestine. By
participating in the conference in Bil'in, you help everyone in
Palestine continue their struggle for liberty.

Details and Registration

Participants will stay with families in Bil'in. The cost of the
conference is 15 Euros (roughly $20) per day. This price includes room
and board. To register, send an email to bel3en [at]

For photo see


4. Four day military detention for non-violent Bil'in activist

by the ISM media team, November 24th

At today's weekly protest against the apartheid wall in Bil'in,
villagers tried to reach their land on the other side of the wall with
a tractor to plough it. Bil'in villagers have been prevented from
taking agricultural vehicles through the illegal gates in the wall to
work their land, and recently soldiers have also tried to prevent
internationals joining villagers on the other side of the wall. Around
50 villagers were joined by international and Israeli activists for
today's tractor-led march to the wall.

As the protesters attempted to remove the razor-wire in front of the
gate, soldiers fired multiple sound bombs and used their shields
against the non-violent activists. The soldiers refrained however from
using tear gas, probably because the wind would have blown it back
towards them.

Non-violent activist from Bil'in, Ayad Burnat, was seized and badly
beaten by soldiers when he reached the other side of the gate. He was
then arrested and is currently in detention in Ofer where he will be
held for four days. Villagers have been told Ayad has been charged with
throwing stones, a clearly false charge - Ayad was with the peaceful
demonstrators the whole time, and often prevents children from throwing
stones at Bil'in demonstrations. Today's arrest follows the
targetting of four other activists on Tuesday evening.

The IOF followed up this arbitrary arrest by clambering over the gate
to 'guard' the razor-wire from further attention.

After the demo soldiers shot 10 children and a journalist with rubber
bullets as well as firing tear-gas at residents' homes on the edge of
the village.

For photos see


5. Non-violent Bil'in activist Ayad Burnat, released on bail

by the ISM media team, November 28th

Bil'in peace activist Ayad Burnat, who was arrested at a peaceful
demonstration in Bil'in last Friday has been released from Ofer
military prison on NIS 4,000 bail. He was detained for four days on the
false charges of violating a military order, causing property damage to
the apartheid wall and assaulting a military officer. The IOF has yet
to issue an indictment or any evidence of these charges.

During the almost two-year long campaign of weekly protests against the
apartheid wall cutting though their land, countless villagers from
Bil'in have been targetted for arrest by the IOF. Last week four
non-violent activists were seized from their homes in the middle of the
night by the IOF and held for nearly 24 hours 'for a chat' about
their role in the weekly protests. Despite this campaign of
intimidation the spirit of resistance in Bil'in refuses to die.

For photo see


6. Another attack on human rights worker by Hebron settlers

by ISM Hebron, November 23rd

At 11.30 three of us went to the olive groves to protect the
Palestinian families living in isolated homes among the olive trees.

Two settlers came towards us from the Seyaj House yelling abuse at us
"Fuck Jesus. We killed Jesus and we'll kill you too!" We began
filming and kept ourselves between them and the Palestinian homes. They
tried to enter Hani's house where we knew there were a number of
small children and two women. We refused to let them up the path and
they headed off up into the Abu Haikal olive orchard. We contacted
other human rights workers (HRWs) to make sure that there were people
at the Abu Haikal house in case they made their way there.

We did not see them again but as we were checking the olive orchard to
see where they had gone we noticed another settler, dressed all in
white, sitting in the far corner of the orchard and either reading or
praying. We kept an eye on him. At around 4pm we saw him move towards
the Abu Haikal house so another HRW and I climbed up into the orchard
to follow him. We began to film him since he was already trespassing on
Palestinian land. He began to climb the wall towards the Abu Haikal
house but was not able to get over the fence at the top of the wall. He
started shouting and waving to the settlers who were on top of the
military observation post close by.

After a while he came down and began to move back towards H's house.
The other HRW had moved out of the orchard back to the Hedad House. I
was worried about the children there so I moved through the orchard
quickly to try to get to Hani's garden first. Suddenly he started to
run and charged straight at me. This was the first aggressive move he
had made so I was taken by surprise. I ran towards Hani's house. To
get into Hani's garden I had to climb down a rough stone wall about a
metre high. He reached me as I got there and gave me a savage push over
the wall. I hit my head on a stone and fell into the garden. He laughed
at me. As I lay there I turned the camera on him and he began to run
away. I got up to follow him and shouted to warn the other HRWs whom he
was running towards. There was a group of about 20 settler tourists
standing next to the Hedad House listening to a tour guide and he ran
through them and down the hill towards Shuhada St.

I could see that my thumb was gashed but not too badly. I could not see
the wound on my head but it did not seem to be too bad. My ankle was
not too painful. I had a bit of a headache but I decided to keep
working as we had another hour before sunset and there was a large
number of tourists hanging around the houses. At one point there were
over 80 settlers gathered around a tour guide and stopping at various
points in the olive groves. One or two of them attempted to enter
Palestinian land but went away when we told them they could not enter.

At around 4.30 I heard some loud chanting from somewhere near the
mosque. I assumed it was the settlers but when I went to investigate I
discovered that a large group of Palestinian children were
demonstrating against the large settler presence outside their houses.
The settlers left and there was no trouble.

At around 9pm one of the other HRWs in our apartment offered to clean
up my head wound for me. She discovered that it was quite deep and long
and thought it might need stitches so I went to Al Ahli hospital where
I was given 2 stitches. They x-rayed my left ankle and decided it was
not broken but probably sprained. They bandaged it up for me and
cleaned and dressed the wound on my right thumb.


7. Hebron settlers trespass on Palestinian family's land with IOF

by ISM Hebron, November 26th

November 15

At 12 noon a human rights worker at the crossing on Tel Rumeida St.
noticed that there were two settlers on top of the military outpost on
Palestinian land next to a huge old olive tree. He photographed them.
He raised the alarm and asked the soldiers who told him that there was
no problem and that they had all the relevant permits to run this new
green electrical cable.
The Palestinian family who own this olive tree were terrified that
these were preparations to cut the tree down but nothing further
happened that day.

November 17

Human rights workers noticed that there were settlers in the Abu Haikal
orchard next to their house. Two HRWs went to the house to talk to the
family and began to film. Two others began to film from our apartment.
As another HRW approached the land he noticed that two police officers
had already stationed themselves on the Palestinian land and were
quietly observing. Then he saw several young settler women approaching
from the olive groves. He photographed and filmed them as they entered
the Abu Haikal property through a gap in the fence. He called over to
the police officers to ask them why they were allowing settlers to
trespass on Palestinian land but they refused to answer. He moved next
to the house where he could film the whole gathering. Most settlers
were arriving from up the military stairs and past the military
observation post through a gap in the fence at that end of the orchard.
It now became clear why settlers had been running electric cables up to
the observation post two days earlier "with all the correct
permits". They had been fixing up a powerful light so that the
settlers could see the path through the fence.

About 80 settlers gathered in all, mostly quite young in their 20s. A
group of men were dressed in black. They began to pray, to chant and to
sing. It was very frightening for the family as they had been given no
warning that this was to happen and it was not clear how things would
develop. Some of the chanting was very loud and aggressive. This huge
gathering was right next to the house where the family was gathered.

Two soldiers were patrolling back and forth around the house and one of
them attempted to take photos of all the human rights workers and
family members as they entered or left their house. Some of the family
got very angry at this provocation. It seems the soldiers were trying
to take revenge because HRWs often photograph them when they are
harassing Palestinians.

After about an hour the settlers with very young children left and 15
minutes later everyone left. The group of young men in black stayed the
longest, singing and dancing. It was very clear that this event had
been planned in advance with the authorities and had active
participation by the police and army.

November 23rd

At 2pm Abu Haikal family members heard machine noises on their land.
They went to look and discovered a male settler clearing weeds with a
weed-eater (strimmer) on the land behind the military post and olive
tree, at the bottom of the garden wall. They called the police and
after 15 minutes one of the daughters went to talk with the man and ask
him to leave their land. Her aunt joined her. He ignored the request
and attacked her with the weed-eater, hitting her on the ankle. He then
phoned for help and five settler women came up the stairs including the
deranged woman from Gaza. Two soldiers removed the Palestinians from
their own land. They were then joined by 4 more soldiers.

At 3pm the settlers moved into the almond orchard (lot 52) and began to
cut the grass and weeds in there. At 4pm the soldiers finally removed
all the settlers from the land. By this time they had probably done
most of what they wanted to do to prepare for the Sabbath celebration
the following night.

November 24th

The Abu Haikals had heard that the settlers were planning to trespass
on their land again for a Shabbat celebration. A human rights worker
visiting the Abu Haikals called the DCO * to ask what the plans were
for this, since last week's trespass had clearly been co-ordinated
with police and soldiers, as well as presumably the DCO. The DCO hung
up several times and refused to answer questions. Eventually they said
that they knew nothing about this.

Later another HRW at the house noticed 2 soldiers on the garden path
behind the house at 4.40pm. Looking closer he realized that there were
also 4 adult settlers and a child standing at the top of the stairs
next to the military post on Abu Haikal land. Another HRW began filming
from below and pointed out that there were more settlers coming up the
stairs from Tel Rumeida settlement. Soldiers made no attempt to stop

By 4.55 18 settlers had gathered around the military post and they all
moved into the Abu Haikal orchard together. By 5pm there were 36
settlers in the orchard, just below the Abu Haikal house. They all
faced away from the house, presumably to avoid being photographed. They
began to sing and to pray. Later they were dancing.

At 5.10pm two 2 settlers moved up the orchard towards the hole in the
fence near the house. When they got there they discovered a squad of 6
soldiers patrolling on foot with a vehicle near the mosque. They turned
back and rejoined the other settlers.

At 5.30 the HRW called the DCO again. Again they tried to hang up and
initially were refusing to talk to an international. He asked if they
wanted to talk to Mrs Abu Haikal. They declined and said they could not
discuss rumours of possible activity. The HRW pointed out firmly that
this was no rumour. He was standing looking at 40 settlers right next
to the house. The DCO said he would check this out and call back in 2
minutes. He never did call back.

The HRW had noticed that there were no police present this week so he
tried to call the police to get them to remove the trespassers. The
police were not answering the phone and in the meantime the settlers
had all moved off the land together, down the stairs and gone back into
Tel Rumeida settlement. A few of them headed off towards Beit Hadassa

* DCO - District Co-ordination Office, the civilian administration wing
of the Israeli military in the West Bank.

For photos see


8. Military launches investigation into 2003 shooting of ISM activist
Brian Avery

Haaretz: "Military probe ordered in 2003 shooting of American in

by Yuval Yoaz, November 26th

The Military Advocate General, Brigadier General Avihai Mandelblit, has
instructed military police investigators to open a probe into the
question of whether Israel Defense Force soldiers bear criminal
responsibility in the shooting of a 24-year-old American citizen and
leftist activist in the Jenin refugee camp in April 2003.

The investigation was opened almost two years after Brian Avery, of the
International Solidarity Movement (ISM), petitioned the High Court of
Justice for a criminal probe in his case, and after both Mandelblit and
his predecessor, Major General (res.) Menachem Finkelstein, refused to
order such a probe, arguing that the military investigation after the
incident should suffice.

Avery, from New Mexico, came to Jenin as part of his work with the ISM
in April 2003. He extended humanitarian aid to local residents, among
other things, assisting doctors treating the residents. On Saturday
April 5, Avery and his flatmate, Jan Tobias Carlson, heard shooting.
When the shooting stopped, the two called other activists and went to
find out if anyone had been injured. According to testimony by ISM
members present at the scene, Avery was standing under a streetlight
and wearing a red vest with the words "doctor" on it in English and
Hebrew on front and back. Four eye-witnesses said an IDF armored
personnel carrier (APC) and a tank came into the street, and Avery and
his companions raised their hands to show they were unarmed. The
witnesses said the APC and the tank continued to approach Avery and
when they were a few dozen meters away, the APC opened fire and shot
about 30 bullets. Avery was hit in the face, his cheek was torn, and
his eye-socket, mouth and jaw bones were smashed.

The IDF probe stated there was no proof the shooting had been by IDF

In the petition, Avery's attorney, Michael Sfard, said an operational
investigation by the IDF was "not a reliable tool," adding that
"in a number of cases soldiers have been cleared, while the military
police investigation revealed incriminating evidence and resulted in
harsh indictments."

Three months ago the High Court ordered the military advocate general
to show cause why he would not open a criminal investigation into the

The state responded last Thursday that the chief military prosecutor
saw no reason to change the previous decision. However to remove any
doubt, he decided to order a military police investigation.

The state also agreed to pay Avery's court costs of NIS 15,000.

Sfard said "it is unfortunate that it takes three and a half years
and pressure of the High Court justices for the military advocate
general to order what is fair and desirable in a place where human life
is not worthless. There are a few soldiers who were involved in the
incident and thought the story was over. The message from the High
Court is that the story is not over. Brian and I will continue to fight
until the truth comes out," Sfard said


See also our press release into the previous Supreme Court hearing on
September 20th and the resulting instruction of the Court to the IOF:


9. Carmel-Agrexco's UK headquarters blockaded for the third time

from Indymedia UK, November 27th

For the second time this year, Palestine Solidarity activists blockaded
Israeli company Carmel-Agrexco's UK headquarters in Hayes, Middlesex,
in the early morning of 26 Nov 2006 . The action was part of an ongoing
non-violent protest against recurrent breaches of human rights and
international law in the occupied territories of Palestine and to
highlight Agrexco's illegal activity in court.

The blockaders braved torrential rain for nearly 6 hours, completely
stopping all deliveries to and from the depot. A structure was erected
from metal fence panels, blocking Agrexco's main gate. Two activists
were locked onto the company's vehicle access gate, inside the
company grounds, while another two secured the second gate.

Once again, Agrexco made a decision not to prosecute the blockaders for
fear of the negative publicity another court case could generate.

Carmel-Agrexco in Hayes is the main UK depot of Israel's 50%
state-owned export company. Agrexco is responsible for exporting the
majority of fruit and veg from illegal settlements in the West Bank to
the UK. The UK is a large part of the market for settlement produce,
making up 60% of Agrexco's total exports.

Agrexco profit from Israel's illegal occupation and entrenched system
of apartheid in the occupied Palestinian territories. In the Jordan
Valley region of the occupied West Bank, Agrexco cultivate stolen
Palestinian land while Palestinians work for them for less than a
living wage. Carmel-Agrexco can deliver fruit and veg to Europe in 24
hours while the produce of Palestinian farmers rots in the fields
because the farmers are prevented from bringing it through Israeli
military checkpoints.

For photos see


10. Soccer Showdown Shakes Shuhada Street

by ISM Hebron, November 28th

On Sunday, at around 2:30pm, three neighborhood kids came by our place
for the afternoon soccer game they'd scheduled with us. I was not
planning on playing, and I am no good at soccer, but playing against
11-year-olds evens the odds a bit. So we bought two soccer balls,
pumped them up, and headed straight for the flattest part of this
neighborhood - Shuhada Street.

Once a lively neighborhood shopping area, Shuhada Street and the
surrounding area got a lot quieter after the Baruch Goldstein massacre
in 1994 *. The old city market around the corner was shut down in 1997,
roadblocks were placed on Shuhada Street in 2001, and the area was
finally closed by military order in 2002. At one end of Shuhada Street
is the Tel Rumeida checkpoint, and at the other end is the Beit
Hadassah, Jews-only settlement. Some of the houses here are, on
occasion, used by the Israeli military, but many are kept empty. This
place, like much of the old city, is a ghost town - even the people
who live in the area don't play or hang out here.

We didn't even get three kicks in before Israeli soldiers told us to
stop. Of course we didn't take them too seriously at first (who the
hell has a problem with soccer?) and kept on aimlessly kicking around.
The soldiers got more insistent so we stopped what we were doing; as
some of us moved the game to the top of very steep hill, the rest
stayed to negotiate and argue. "These kids live here, and you're
telling them that they can't play here? Where else are they supposed
to play?"

To this, the soldier -an American serving in the Israeli military-
responded, "For you to try to make the children play here is very
irresponsible. This is seen as provocative, you know. The Jews see a
crowd of Arabs and they will then throw stones, just as when Arabs see
a crowd of Jews they will throw stones. My job is to keep the peace
here and protect the Jews. You can go play at the top of the street."
He said this despite the fact that the soldiers regularly allow the
Jewish settlers to play in their army posts at the top of Tel Rumeida
street, right next to Palestinian homes.

And so began another stupid, pointless verbal confrontation.

The daily view of Shuhada street under occupation

As some human rights workers attempted to negotiate with the soldiers
on the scene and their superiors on the telephone, the rest of us went
to the top of the hill on Tel Rumeida Street to start a game with some
teenagers. Incidentally, a couple of weeks ago, the soldiers prohibited
the kids from playing at the top of the hill - exactly where they
told us to go play this time. We divided into mixed groups of three for
"winner stays loser leaves;" for every goal scored, the losing team
would be replaced by another team; in short, each team plays until they
are scored against.

With all the action up at the top of the hill, I had totally forgotten
all about Shuhada street until an American human rights worker came up
the street to tell us that, after 90 minutes, the DCO (District
Co-ordination Office, the civilian administration wing of the Israeli
military in the West Bank) verified her claim -that the kids had
every right to play on their own street. At that the soldiers relented.

During this time, though, the soldiers had told the kids they
couldn't play on Shuhada street and shooed them away, so we figured
that a few of us would go down and kick the ball around ourselves, so
we did. After a few minutes, a couple of kids approached -with some
noticeable trepidation- and joined in. Bit by bit, the Shuhada street
kids, after seeing that it was okay to play here, came out of their
houses and joined in. Bit by bit, passers-by stopped to crack a smile
and maybe even kick a ball.

Within 15 minutes the neighborhood kids from this block were doing
something they haven't done in AGES - playing on their own streets.
It may have taken a bunch of pushy internationals with cell phones to
get a green light, but it took the Shuhada street kids to transform
their neighborhood from a militarized ghost town into the best soccer
field in Hebron.

Goal after goal under a setting sun, I saw six soldiers watching the
game from their checkpoint and thought, "how could anyone see
anything wrong in what these kids are doing?" I hope that some hearts
were touched - I can't imagine how anyone could find fault with
what they tried to stop, and I never will. Maybe the soldiers looked
down the street and thought, "man, those kids have every right to be
here, and we were wrong to stop it." Maybe they looked down Shuhada
Street and saw something beautiful.

* Baruch Goldstein was a Jewish fundamentalist settler from America who
in 1994 killed 29 Palestinians at prayer in the Ibrahimi mosque in

For photos see


11. Palestinian families separated by Israel take action

by the Campaign for the Right of Entry/Re-Entry to the Occupied
Palestinian Territory

Hundreds Of Foreign Nationals Meet To Consider Legal Action Against
Israel For Denying Them Access To West Bank And Gaza

(Al-Bireh, Occupied Palestine - November 28, 2006) - Hundreds of
foreign nationals packed into the Al-Bireh Municipality Hall to listen
to legal experts explain the options available to them in light of
Israel's refusal to permit foreign nationals access to the occupied
Palestinian territory (oPt). The audience was full of families with
children, fearful that they will be forced to separate within days.

In a standing room-only lecture, Al-Bireh Deputy and Acting Mayor Omar
Hamayel made a clear appeal that the Israeli policy of denying access
to Palestinians who are foreign nationals be called ethnic cleansing.
Attorney Abdallah Hammad from the Jerusalem Legal Affairs Center and
Attorney Muhammad Dahleh discussed collective and individual actions
that can be considered by those affected by Israel's de-facto
deportation of residents of the oPt.

Atty. Dahleh, a human rights activist and renowned legal expert noted
that the proper legal reference for the issue lies in International
Humanitarian and Human Rights Law. He also spoke regarding those
Palestinians who have previously applied for family unification which
allows for permanent residency. Israel has closed this door and created
a reality where the Palestinian population is being forced from their
homes. The final result of Israel's practice could be the emptying of
over 500,000 Palestinians from the occupied cities of Ramallah,
Bethlehem, Nablus and others in a very short time as Palestinian
residents leave to keep their families together.

Basil Ayish, spokesperson for the Campaign, noted that although the
event was looking into legal options for affected families that are
faced with forced separation, the issue is ultimately a political one,
and that victims of Israel's practice should take all measures to
protest this action with the country of their citizenship. The Campaign
stated that more than 80 percent of the latest Israeli denials for visa
extensions are U.S. citizens.

The questions and comments of those in the audience articulated deep
frustration and anger at their respective foreign governments and at
the Palestinian Authority for not taking more concrete steps to
immediately resolve this issue or at least raise it to a level of
public debate.


For more reports, journals and action alerts visit the ISM website at

Please consider supporting the International Solidarity Movement's
work with a financial contribution. You may donate securely through our
website at

Thank you for your continued interest and support for the International Solidarity Movement!

Please consider a financial donation to help continue the important work of the ISM. You may
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For more information, visit the ISM website at

add your comments

did I strike a nerve, Corrie killer?
by just wondering Wednesday, Nov. 29, 2006 at 1:33 PM

Word on the street is that you terrorist fellating chickenshit Appeasers pushed Corrie in front of that dozer. But hey, we'll stand by and allow you Jizzlamic steaming piles to try and set the record straight.

After all, Collaborators tell the truth, ain't that right, little Arafart queerboi?

add your comments

Muslims are useless little turdlets
by pointer Wednesday, Nov. 29, 2006 at 1:40 PM

Muslimes serve *some* purpose, the same as bacteria breaks down sewage.



add your comments

Zionism is Racism
by Zionism is Racism Thursday, Nov. 30, 2006 at 12:01 AM

Zionism And Its Impact
By Ann M. Lesch

The Zionist movement has maintained a striking continuity in its aims and methods over the past century. From the start, the movement sought to achieve a Jewish majority in Palestine and to establish a Jewish state on as much of the LAND as possible. The methods included promoting mass Jewish immigration and acquiring tracts of land that would become the inalienable property of the Jewish people. This policy inevitably prevented the indigenous Arab residents from attaining their national goals and establishing a Palestinian state. It also necessitated displacing Palestinians from their lands and jobs when their presence conflicted with Zionist interests.

The Zionist movement—and subsequently the state of ISRAEL—failed to develop a positive approach to the Palestinian presence and aspirations. Although many Israelis recognized the moral dilemma posed by the Palestinians, the majority either tried to ignore the issue or to resolve it by force majeure. Thus, the Palestine problem festered and grew, instead of being resolved.
Historical Background
The British Mandate
The Zionist Movement
Practical Zionism
Policies Toward the Palestinians
Historical Background

The Zionist movement arose in late nineteenth-century Europe, influenced by the nationalist ferment sweeping that continent. Zionism acquired its particular focus from the ancient Jewish longing for the return to Zion and received a strong impetus from the increasingly intolerable conditions facing the large Jewish community in tsarist Russia. The movement also developed at the time of major European territorial acquisitions in Asia and Africa and benefited from the European powers' competition for influence in the shrinking Ottoman Empire.

One result of this involvement with European expansionism, however, was that the leaders of the nascent nationalist movements in the Middle East viewed Zionism as an adjunct of European colonialism. Moreover, Zionist assertions of the contemporary relevance of the Jews' historical ties to Palestine, coupled with their land purchases and immigration, alarmed the indigenous population of the Ottoman districts that Palestine comprised. The Jewish community (yishuv) rose from 6 percent of Palestine's population in 1880 to 10 percent by 1914. Although the numbers were insignificant, the settlers were outspoken enough to arouse the opposition of Arab leaders and induce them to exert counter pressure on the Ottoman regime to prohibit Jewish immigration and land buying.

As early as 1891, a group of Muslim and Christian notables cabled Istanbul, urging the government to prohibit Jewish immigration and land purchase. The resulting edicts radically curtailed land purchases in the sanjak (district) of JERUSALEM for the next decade. When a Zionist Congress resolution in 1905 called for increased colonization, the Ottoman regime suspended all land transfers to Jews in both the sanjak of Jerusalem and the wilayat (province) of Beirut.

After the coup d'etat by the Young Turks in 1908, the Palestinians used their representation in the central parliament and their access to newly opened local newspapers to press their claims and express their concerns. They were particularly vociferous in opposition to discussions that took place between the financially hard-pressed Ottoman regime and Zionist leaders in 1912-13, which would have let the world Zionist Organization purchase crown land (jiftlik) in the Baysan Valley, along the Jordan River.

The Zionists did not try to quell Palestinian fears, since their concern was to encourage colonization from Europe and to minimize the obstacles in their path. The only effort to meet to discuss their aspirations occurred in the spring of 1914. Its difficulties illustrated the incompatibility in their aspirations. The Palestinians wanted the Zionists to present them with a document that would state their precise political ambitions, their willingness to open their schools to Palestinians, and their intentions of learning Arabic and integrating with the local population. The Zionists rejected this proposal.
The British Mandate

The proclamation of the BALFOUR DECLARATION on November 2, 1917, and the arrival of British troops in Palestine soon after, transformed the political situation. The declaration gave the Zionist movement its long-sought legal status. The qualification that: nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of the existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine seemed a relatively insignificant obstacle to the Zionists, especially since it referred only to those communities': civil and religious rights, not to political or national rights. The subsequent British occupation gave Britain the ability to carry out that pledge and provide the protection necessary for the Zionists to realize their aims.

In fact, the British had contracted three mutually contradictory promises for the future of Palestine. The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 with the French and Russian governments proposed that Palestine be placed under international administration. The HUSAYN-MCMAHON CORRESPONDENCE, 1915-1916, on whose basis the Arab revolt was launched, implied that Palestine would be included in the zone of Arab independence. In contrast, the Balfour Declaration encouraged the colonization of Palestine by Jews, under British protection. British officials recognized the irreconcilability of these pledges but hoped that a modus vivendi could be achieved, both between the competing imperial powers, France and Britain, and between the Palestinians and the Jews. Instead, these contradictions set the stage for the three decades of conflict-ridden British rule in Palestine.

Initially, many British politicians shared the Zionists' assumption that gradual, regulated Jewish immigration and settlement would lead to a Jewish majority in Palestine, whereupon it would become independent, with legal protection for the Arab minority. The assumption that this could be accomplished without serious resistance was shattered at the outset of British rule. Britain thereafter was caught in an increasingly untenable position, unable to persuade either Palestinians or Zionists to alter their demands and forced to station substantial military forces in Palestine to maintain security.

The Palestinians had assumed that they would gain some form of independence when Ottoman rule disintegrated, whether through a separate state or integration with neighboring Arab lands. These hopes were bolstered by the Arab revolt, the entry of Faysal Ibn Husayn into Damascus in 1918, and the proclamation of Syrian independence in 1920. Their hopes were dashed, however, when Britain imposed direct colonial rule and elevated the yishuv to a special status. Moreover, the French ousted Faysal from Damascus in July 1920, and British compensation—in the form of thrones in Transjordan and Iraq for Abdullah and Faysal, respectively—had no positive impact on the Arabs in Palestine. In fact, the action underlined the different treatment accorded Palestine and its disadvantageous political situation. These concerns were exacerbated by Jewish immigration: the yishuv comprised 28 percent of the population by 1936 and reached 32 percent by 1947 (click here for Palestine's population distribution per district in 1946).

The British umbrella was CRITICALLY important to the growth and consolidation of the yishuv, enabling it to root itself firmly despite Palestinian opposition. Although British support diminished in the late 1930s, the yishuv was strong enough by then to withstand the Palestinians on its own. After World War II, the Zionist movement also was able to turn to the emerging superpower, the UNITED STATES, for diplomatic support and legitimization.

The Palestinians' responses to Jewish immigration, land purchases, and political demands were remarkably consistent. They insisted that Palestine remain an Arab country, with the same right of self-determination and independence as Egypt, Transjordan, and Iraq. Britain granted those countries independence without a violent struggle since their claims to self-determination were not contested by European settlers. The Palestinians argued that Palestinian territory COULD NOT AND SHOULD NOT be used to solve the plight of the Jews in Europe, and that Jewish national aspirations should not override their own rights.

Palestinian opposition peaked in the late 1930s: the six-month general strike in 1936 was followed the next year by a widespread rural revolt. This rebellion welled up from the bottom of Palestinian society—unemployed urban workers, displaced peasants crowded into towns, and debt-ridden villagers. It was supported by most merchants and professionals in the towns, who feared competition from the yishuv. Members of the elite families acted as spokesmen before the British administration through the ARAB HIGHER COMMITTEE, which was formed during the 1936 strike. However, the British banned the committee in October 1937 and arrested its members, on the eve of the revolt.

Only one of the Palestinian political parties was willing to limit its aims and accept the principle of territorial partition: The NATIONAL DEFENSE PARTY, led by RAGHIB AL-NASHASHIBI (mayor of JERUSALEM from 1920 to 1934), was willing to accept partition in 1937 so long as the Palestinians obtained sufficient land and could merge with Transjordan to form a larger political entity. However, the British PEEL COMMISSION's plan, announced in July 1937, would have forced the Palestinians to leave the olive- and grain- growing areas of Galilee, the orange groves on the Mediterranean coast, and the urban port cities of HAIFA and ACRE. That was too great a loss for even the National Defense Party to accept, and so it joined in the general denunciations of partition.

During the PALESTINE MANDATE period the Palestinian community was 70 percent rural, 75 to 80 percent illiterate, and divided internally between town and countryside and between elite families and villagers. Despite broad support for the national aims, the Palestinians could not achieve the unity and strength necessary to withstand the combined pressure of the British forces and the Zionist movement. In fact, the political structure was decapitated in the late 1930s when the British banned the Arab Higher Committee and arrested hundreds of local politicians. When efforts were made in the 1940s to rebuild the political structure, the impetus came largely from outside, from Arab rulers who were disturbed by the deteriorating conditions in Palestine and feared their repercussions on their own newly acquired independence.

The Arab rulers gave priority to their own national considerations and provided limited diplomatic and military support to the Palestinians. The Palestinian Arabs continued to demand a state that would reflect the Arab majority's weight—diminished to 68 percent by 1947. They rejected the UNITED NATIONS (U.N.) partition plan of November 1947, which granted the Jews statehood in 55 percent of Palestine, an area that included as many Arab residents as Jews. However, the Palestinian Arabs lacked the political strength and military force to back up their claim. Once Britain withdrew its forces in 1948 and the Jews proclaimed the state of Israel, the Arab rulers used their armed forces to protect those zones that the partition plans had ALLOCATED to the Arab state. By the time armistice agreements were signed in 1949, the Arab areas had shrunk to only 23 percent of Palestine. The Egyptian army held the GAZA STRIP, and Transjordanian forces dominated the hills of central Palestine. At least 726,000 of the 1.3 million Palestinian Arabs fled from the area held by Israel. Emir Abdullah subsequently annexed the zone that his army occupied, renaming it the WEST BANK.
The Zionist Movement

The dispossession and expulsion of a majority of Palestinians were the result of Zionist policies planned over a thirty-year period. Fundamentally, Zionism focused on two needs:


to attain a Jewish majority in Palestine;


to acquire statehood irrespective of the wishes of the indigenous population. Non-recognition of the political and national rights of the Palestinian people was a KEY Zionist policy.

Chaim Weizmann, president of the World Zionist Organization, placed maximalist demands before the Paris Peace Conference in February 1919. He stated that he expected 70,000 to 80,000 Jewish immigrants to arrive each year in Palestine. When they became the majority, they would form an independent government and Palestine and would become: "as Jewish as England is English". Weizmann proposed that the boundaries should be the Mediterranean Sea on the west; Sidon, the Litani River, and Mount Hermon on the north; all of Transjordan west of the Hijaz railway on the east; and a line across Sinai from Aqaba to al-Arish on the south. He argued that: "the boundaries above outlined are what we consider essential for the economic foundation of the country. Palestine must have its natural outlet to the sea and control of its rivers and their headwaters. The boundaries are sketched with the general economic needs and historic traditions of the country in mind." Weizmann offered the Arab countries a free zone in Haifa and a joint port at Aqaba.

Weizmann's policy was basically in accord with that of the leaders of the yishuv, who held a conference in December 1918 in which they formulated their own demands for the peace conference. The yishuv plan stressed that they must control appointments to the administrative services and that the British must actively assist their program to transform Palestine into a democratic Jewish state in which the Arabs would have minority rights. Although the peace conference did not explicitly allocate such extensive territories to the Jewish national home and did not support the goal of transforming all of Palestine into a Jewish state, it opened the door to such a possibility. More important, Weizmann's presentation stated clearly and forcefully the long-term aims of the movement. These aims were based on certain fundamental tenets of Zionism:


The movement was seen not only as inherently righteous, but also as meeting an overwhelming need among European Jews.


European culture was superior to indigenous Arab culture; the Zionists could help civilize the East.


External support was needed from a major power; relations with the Arab world were a secondary matter.


Arab nationalism was a legitimate political movement, but Palestinian nationalism was either illegitimate or nonexistent.


Finally, if the Palestinians would not reconcile themselves to Zionism, force majeure, not compromise, was the only feasible response.


Adherents of Zionism believed that the Jewish people had an inherent and inalienable right to Palestine. Religious Zionists stated this in biblical terms, referring to the divine promise of the land to the tribes of Israel. Secular Zionists relied more on the argument that Palestine alone could solve the problem of Jewish dispersion and virulent anti-Semitism. Weizmann stated in 1930 that the needs of 16 million Jews had to be balanced against those of 1 million Palestinian Arabs: "The Balfour Declaration and the Mandate have definitely lifted [Palestine] out of the context of the Middle East and linked it up with the world-wide Jewish problem....The rights which the Jewish people has been adjudged in Palestine do not depend on the consent, and cannot be subjected to the will, of the majority of its present inhabitants."

This perspective took its most extreme form with the Revisionist movement. Its founder, Vladimir Jabotinsky, was so self-righteous about the Zionist cause that he justified any actions taken against the Arabs in order to realize Zionist goals.

Zionists generally felt that European civilization was superior to Arab culture and values. Theodor Herzl, the founder of the World Zionist Organization, wrote in the Jewish State (1886) that the Jewish community could serve as: "part of a wall of defense for Europe in Asia, an outpost of civilization against barbarism."

Weizmann also believed that he was engaged in a fight of civilization against the desert. The Zionists would bring enlightenment and economic development to the backward Arabs. Similarly, David Ben-Gurion, the leading labor Zionist, could not understand why Arabs rejected his offer to use Jewish finance, scientific knowledge, and technical expertise to modernize the Middle East. He attributed this rejection to backwardness rather than to the affront that Zionism posed to the Arabs' pride and to their aspirations for independence.

Zionist leaders recognized that they needed an external patron to legitimize their presence in the international arena and to provide them legal and military protection in Palestine. Great Britain played that role in the 1920s and 1930s, and the United States became the mentor in the mid-1940s. Zionist leaders realized that they needed to make tactical accommodations to that patron—such as downplaying their public statements about their political aspirations or accepting a state on a limited territory—while continuing to work toward their long-term goals. The presence and needs of the Arabs were viewed as secondary. The Zionist leadership never considered allying with the Arab world against the British and Americans. Rather, Weizmann, in particular, felt that the yishuv should bolster the British Empire and guard its strategic interests in the region. Later, the leaders of Israel perceived the Jewish state as a strategic asset to the United States in the Middle East.

Zionist politicians accepted the idea of an Arab nation but rejected the concept of a Palestinian nation. They considered the Arab residents of Palestine as comprising a minute fraction of the land and people of the Arab world, and as lacking any separate identity and aspirations (click here, to read our response to this myth). Weizmann and Ben-Gurion were willing to negotiate with Arab rulers in order to gain those rulers' recognition of Jewish statehood in Palestine in return for the Zionists' recognition of Arab independence elsewhere, but they would not negotiate with the Arab politicians in Palestine for a political settlement in their common homeland. As early as 1918, Weizmann wrote to a prominent British politician: "The real Arab movement is developing in Damascus and Mecca...the so-called Arab question in Palestine would therefore assume only a purely local character, and in fact is not considered a serious factor."

In line with that thinking, Weizmann met with Emir Faysal in the same year, in an attempt to win his agreement to Jewish statehood in Palestine in return for Jewish financial support for Faysal as ruler of Syria and Arabia.

Ben-Gurion, Weizmann, and other Zionist leaders met with prominent Arab officials during the 1939 LONDON CONFERENCE, which was convened by Britain to seek a compromise settlement in Palestine. The Arab diplomats from Egypt, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia criticized the exceptional position that the Balfour Declaration had granted the Jewish community and emphasized the estrangement between the Arab and Jewish residents that large scale Jewish immigration had caused. In response, Weizmann insisted that Palestine remain open to all Jews who wanted to immigrate, and Ben-Gurion suggested that all of Palestine should become a Jewish state, federated with the surrounding Arab states. The Arab participants criticized these demands for exacerbating the conflict, rather than contributing to the search for peace. The Zionists' premise that Arab statehood could be recognized while ignoring the Palestinians was thus rejected by the Arab rulers themselves.

Finally, Zionist leaders argued that if the Palestinians could not reconcile themselves to Zionism, then force majeure, not a compromise of goals, was the only possible response. By the early 1920s, after violent Arab protests broke out in Jaffa and Jerusalem, leaders of the yishuv recognized that it might be impossible to bridge the gap between the aims of the two peoples. Building the national home would lead to an unavoidable clash, since the Arab majority would not agree to become a minority. In fact, as early as 1919 Ben-Gurion stated bluntly: "Everybody sees a difficulty in the question of relations between Arabs and Jews. But not everybody sees that there is no solution to this question. No solution! There is a gulf, and nothing can fill this gulf....I do not know what Arab will agree that Palestine should belong to the Jews....We, as a nation, want this country to be ours; the Arabs, as a nation, want this country to be theirs."

As tensions increased in the 1920s and the 1930s Zionist leaders realized that they had to coerce the Arabs to acquiesce to a diminished status. Ben-Gurion stated in 1937, during the Arab revolt:

"This is a national war declared upon us by the Arabs....This is an active resistance by the Palestinians to what they regard as a usurpation of their homeland by the Jews....But the fighting is only one aspect of the conflict, which is in its essence a political one. And politically we are the aggressors and they defend themselves."

This sober conclusion did not lead Ben-Gurion to negotiate with the Palestinian Arabs: instead he became more determined to strengthen the Jewish military forces so that they could compel the Arabs to relinquish their claims.
Practical Zionism

In order to realize the aims of Zionism and build the Jewish national home, the Zionist movement undertook the following practical steps in many different realms:


They built political structures that could assume state functions


Created a military force.


Promoted large-scale immigration.


Acquired land as the inalienable property of the Jewish people


Established and monopolistic concessions. The labor federation, Histadrut, tried to force Jewish enterprises to hire only Jewish labor


Setting up an autonomous Hebrew-language educational system.

These measures created a self-contained national entity on Palestinian soil that was ENTIRELY SEPARATE from the Arab community.

The yishuv established an elected community council, executive body, administrative departments, and religious courts soon after the British assumed control over Palestine. When the PALESTINE MANDATE was ratified by the League of Nations in 1922, the World Zionist Organization gained the responsibility to advise and cooperate with the British administration not only on economic and social matters affecting the Jewish national home but also on issues involving the general development of the country. Although the British rejected pressure to give the World Zionist Organization an equal share in administration and control over immigration and land transfers, the yishuv did gain a privileged advisory position.

The Zionists were strongly critical of British efforts to establish a LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL in 1923, 1930, and 1936. They realized that Palestinians' demands for a legislature with a Palestinian majority ran counter to their own need to delay establishing representative bodies until the Jewish community was much larger. In 1923, the Jewish residents did participate in the elections for a Legislative Council, but they were relieved that the Palestinians' boycott compelled the British to cancel the results. In 1930 and 1936 the World Zionist Organization vigorously opposed British proposals for a legislature, fearing that, if the Palestinians received the majority status that proportional representation would require, then they would try to block Jewish immigration and the purchase of land by Zionist companies. Zionist opposition was couched indirectly in the assertion that Palestine was not ripe for self-rule, a code for not until there's a Jewish majority.

To bolster this position, the yishuv formed defense forces (Haganah) in March 1920. They were preceded by the establishment of guards (hashomer) in Jewish rural settlements in the 1900s and the formation of a Jewish Legion in World War I. However, the British disbanded the Jewish Legion and allowed only sealed armories in the settlements and mixed Jewish-British area defense committees.

Despite its illegal status, the Haganah expanded to number 10,000 trained and mobilized men, and 40,000 reservists by 1936. During the 1937-38 Arab revolt, the Haganah engaged in active defense against Arab insurgents and cooperated with the British to guard railway lines, the oil pipeline to Haifa, and border fences. This cooperation deepened during World War II, when 18,800 Jewish volunteers joined the British forces. Haganah's special Palmach units served as scouts and sappers for the British army in Lebanon in 1941-42. This wartime experience helped to transform the Haganah into a regular fighting force. When Ben-Gurion became the World Zionist Organization's secretary of defense in June 1947, he accelerated mobilization as well as arms buying in the United States and Europe. As a result, mobilization leaped to 30,000 by May 1948, when statehood was proclaimed, and then doubled to 60,000 by mid-July—twice the number serving in the Arab forces arrayed against Israel.

A principal means for building up the national home was the promotion of large-scale immigration from Europe. Estimates of the Palestinian population demonstrate the dramatic impact of immigration. The first British census (December 31, 1922) counted 757,182 residents, of whom 83,794 were Jewish. The second census (December 31, 1931) enumerated 1,035,821, including 174,006 Jews. Thus, the absolute number of Jews had doubled and the relative number had increased from 11 percent to 17 percent. Two-thirds of this growth could be attributed to net immigration, and one third to natural increase. Two-thirds of the yishuv was concentrated in Jerusalem and Jaffa and Tel Aviv, with most of the remainder in the north, including the towns of HAIFA, SAFAD, and Tiberias.

The Mandate specified that the rate of immigration should accord with the economic capacity of the country to absorb the immigrants. In 1931, the British government reinterpreted this to take into account only the Jewish sector of the economy, excluding the Palestinian sector, which was suffering from heavy unemployment. As a result, the pace of immigration accelerated in 1932 and peaked in 1935-36. In other words, the absolute number of Jewish residents doubled in the five years from 1931 to 1936 to 370,000, so that they constituted 28 percent of the total population. Not until 1939 did the British impose a severe quota on Jewish immigrants. That restriction was resisted by the yishuv with a sense of desperation, since it blocked access to a key haven for the Jews whom Hitler was persecuting and exterminating in Germany and the rest of Nazi-occupied Europe. Net immigration was limited during the war years in the 1940s, but the government estimated in 1946 that there were about 583,000 Jews of nearly 1,888,000 residents, or 31 percent of the total Seventy percent of them were urban, and they continued to be overwhelmingly concentrated in Jerusalem (100,000) the Haifa area (119,000), and the JAFFA and RAMLA districts (327,000) (click here for a map illustrating Palestine's population distribution in 1946). The remaining 43,000 were largely in Galilee, with a scattering in the Negev and almost none in the central highlands.

The World Zionist Organization purchasing agencies launched large-scale land purchases in order to found rural settlements and stake territorial claims. In 1920 the Zionists held about 650,000 dunums (one dunum equals approximately one-quarter of an acre). By 1930, the amount had expanded to 1,164,000 dunums and by 1936 to 1,400,000 dunums. The major purchasing agent (the Palestine Land Development Company) estimated that, by 1936, 89 percent had been bought from large landowners (primarily absentee owners from Beirut) and only 11 percent from peasants. By 1947, the yishuv held 1.9 million dunums. Nevertheless, this represented only 7 percent of the total land surface or 10 to 12 percent of the cultivable land (click here for a map illustrating Palestine's land ownership distribution in 1946)

According to Article 3 of the Constitution of the Jewish Agency, the land was held by the Jewish National Fund as the inalienable property of the Jewish people; ONLY Jewish labor could be employed in the settlements, Palestinians protested bitterly against this inalienability clause. The moderate National Defense Party, for example, petitioned the British in 1935 to prevent further land sales, arguing that it was a: life and death [matter] to the Arabs, in that it results in the transfer of their country to other hands and the loss of their nationality.

The placement of Jewish settlements was often based on political considerations. The Palestine Land Development Company had four criteria for land purchase:


The economic suitability of the tract


Its contribution to forming a solid block of Jewish territory.


The prevention of isolation of settlements


The impact of the purchase on the political-territorial claims of the Zionists.

The stockade and watchtower settlements constructed in 1937, for example, were designed to secure control over key parts of Galilee for the yishuv in case the British implemented the PEEL PARTITION PLAN. Similarly, eleven settlements were hastily erected in the Negev in late 1946 in an attempt to stake a political claim in that entirely Palestinian-populated territory.

In addition to making these land purchases, prominent Jewish businessmen won monopolistic concessions from the British government that gave the Zionist movement an important role in the development of Palestine's natural resources. In 1921, Pinhas Rutenberg's Palestine Electric Company acquired the right to electrify all of Palestine except Jerusalem. Moshe Novomeysky received the concession to develop the minerals in the Dead Sea in 1927. And the Palestine Land Development Company gained the concession to drain the Hula marshes, north of the Sea of Galilee, in 1934. In each case, the concession was contested by other serious non-Jewish claimants; Palestinian politicians argued that the government should retain control itself in order to develop the resources for the benefit of the entire country.

The inalienability clause in the Jewish National Fund contracts included provision that ONLY JEWS could work on Jewish agricultural settlements. The concepts of manual labor and the return to the soil were key to the Zionist enterprise. This Jewish labor policy was enforced by the General Foundation of Jewish Labor (Histadrut), founded in 1920 and headed by David Ben-Gurion. Since some Jewish builders and citrus growers hired Arabs, who worked for lower wages than Jews, the Histadrut launched a campaign in 1933 to remove those Arab workers. Histadrut organizers picketed citrus groves and evicted Arab workers from construction sites and factories in the cities. The strident propaganda by the Histradut increased the Arabs' fears for the future. George Mansur, a Palestinian labor leader, wrote angrily in 1937:

"The Histadrut's fundamental aim is 'the conquest of labor'...No matter how many Arab workers are unemployed, they have no right to take any job which a possible immigrant might occupy. No Arab has the right to work in Jewish undertakings."

Finally, the establishment of an all-Jewish, Hebrew-language educational system was an essential component of building the Jewish national home. It helped to create a cohesive national ethos and a lingua franca among the diverse immigrants. However, it also entirely separated Jewish children from Palestinian children, who attended the governmental schools. The policy widened the linguistic and cultural gap between the two peoples. In addition, there was a stark contrast in their literacy levels (in 1931):


93 percent of Jewish males (above age seven) were literate


71 percent of Christian males


but only 25 percent of Muslim males were literate.

Overall, Palestinian literacy increased from 19 percent in 1931 to 27 percent by 1940, but only 30 percent of Palestinian children could be accommodated in government and private schools.

The practical policies of the Zionist movement created a compact and well-rooted community by the late 1940s. The yishuv had its own political, educational, economic, and military institutions, parallel to the governmental system. Jews minimized their contact with the Arab community and outnumbered the Arabs in certain key respects. Jewish urban dwellers, for example, greatly exceeded Arab urbanites, even though Jews constituted but one-third of the population. Many more Jewish children attended school than did Arab children, and Jewish firms employed seven times as many workers as Arab firms.

Thus the relative weight and autonomy of the yishuv were much greater than sheer numbers would suggest. The transition to statehood was facilitated by the existence of the proto state institutions and a mobilized, literate public. But the separation from the Palestinian residents will exacerbated by these autarchic policies.
Policies Toward the Palestinians

The main view point within the Zionist movement was that the Arab problem would be solved by first solving the Jewish problem. In time, the Palestinians would be presented with the fait accompli of a Jewish majority. Settlements, land purchases, industries, and military forces were developed gradually and systematically so that the yishuv would become too strong to uproot. In a letter to his son, Weizmann compared the Arabs to the rocks of Judea, obstacles that had to be cleared to make the path smooth. When the Palestinians mounted violent protests in 1920, 1921, 1929, 1936-39, and the late 1940s, the yishuv sought to curb them by force, rather than seek a political accommodation with the indigenous people. Any concessions made to the Palestinians by the British government concerning immigration, land sales, or labor were strongly contested by the Zionist leaders. In fact, in 1936, Ben-Gurion stated that the Palestinians will only acquiesce in a Jewish Eretz Israel after they are in a state of total despair.

Zionists viewed their acceptance of territorial partition as a temporary measure; they did not give up the idea of the Jewish community's right to all of Palestine. Weizmann commented in 1937: "In the course of time we shall expand to the whole country...this is only an arrangement for the next 15-30 years."

Ben-Gurion stated in 1938, "After we become a strong force, as a result of the creation of a state, we shall abolish partition and expand to the whole of Palestine." A FEW EFFORTS were made to reduce Arab opposition. For example in the 1920s, Zionist organizations provided financial support to Palestinian political parties, newspapers, and individuals. This was most evident in the establishment and support of the National Muslim Societies (1921-23) and Agricultural Parties (1924-26). These parties were expected to be neutral or positive toward the Zionist movement, in return for which they would receive financial subventions and their members would be helped to obtain jobs and loans. This policy was backed by Weizmann, who commented that: "extremists and moderates alike were susceptible to the influence of money and honors."

However, Leonard Stein, a member of the London office of the World Zionist Organization, denounced this practice. He argued that Zionists must seek a permanent modus vivendi with the Palestinians by hiring them in Jewish firms and admitting them to Jewish universities. He maintained that political parties in which Arab moderates are merely Arab gramophones playing Zionist records would collapse as soon as the Zionist financial support ended. In any event, the World Zionist Organization terminated the policy by 1927, as it was in the midst of a financial crisis and as most of the leaders felt that the policy was ineffective.

Some Zionist leaders argued that the Arab community had to be involved in the practical efforts of the Zionist movement. Chaim Kalvarisky, who initiated the policy of buying support, articulated in 1923 the gap between that ideal and the reality: "Some people say...that only by common work in the field of commerce, industry and agriculture mutual understanding between Jews and Arabs will ultimately be attained....This is, however, merely a theory. In practice we have not done and we are doing nothing for any work in common.


How many Arab officials have we installed in our banks? Not even one.


How many Arabs have we brought into our schools? Not even one.


What commercial houses have we established in company with Arabs? Not even one."

Two years later, Kalvarisky lamented: "We all admit the importance of drawing closer to the Arabs, but in fact we are growing more distant like a drawn bow. We have no contact: two separate worlds, each living its own life and fighting the other."

Some members of the yishuv emphasized the need for political relations with the Palestinian Arabs, to achieve either a peacefully negotiated territorial partition (as Nahum Goldmann sought) or a binational state (as Brit Shalom and Hashomer Ha-tzair proposed). But few went as far as Dr. Judah L. Magnes, chancellor of The Hebrew University, who argued that Zionism meant merely the creation of a Jewish cultural center in Palestine rather than an independent state. In any case, the binationalists had little impact politically and were strongly opposed by the leadership of the Zionist movement.

Zionist leaders felt they did not harm the Palestinians by blocking them from working in Jewish settlements and industries or even by undermining their majority status. The Palestinians were considered a small part of the large Arab nation; their economic and political needs could be met in that wider context, Zionists felt, rather than in Palestine. They could move elsewhere if they sought land and could merge with Transjordan if they sought political independence.

This thinking led logically to the concept of population TRANSFER. In 1930 Weizmann suggested that the problems of insufficient land resources within Palestine and of the dispossession of peasants could be solved by moving them to Transjordan and Iraq. He urged the Jewish Agency to provide a loan of £1 million to help move Palestinian farmers to Transjordan. The issue was discussed at length in the Jewish Agency debates of 1936-37 on partition. At first, the majority proposed a voluntary transfer of Palestinians from the Jewish state, but later they realized that the Palestinians would never leave voluntarily. Therefore, key leaders such as Ben-Gurion insisted that compulsory transfer was essential. The Jewish Agency then voted that the British government should pay for the removal of the Palestinian Arabs from the territory allotted to the Jewish state.

The fighting from 1947 to 1949 resulted in a far larger transfer than had been envisioned in 1937. It solved the Arab problem by removing most of the Arabs and was the ultimate expression of the policy of force majeure.

The land and people of Palestine were transformed during the thirty years of British rule. The systematic colonization undertaken by the Zionist movement enabled the Jewish community to establish separate and virtually autonomous political, economic, social, cultural, and military institutions. A state within a state was in place by the time the movement launched its drive for independence. The legal underpinnings for the autonomous Jewish community were provided by the British Mandate. The establishment of a Jewish state was first proposed by the British Royal Commission in July 1937 and then endorsed by the UNITED NATIONS in November 1947.

That drive for statehood IGNORED the presence of a Palestinian majority with its own national aspirations. The right to create a Jewish state—and the overwhelming need for such a state—were perceived as overriding Palestinian counterclaims. Few members of the yishuv supported the idea of binationalism. Rather, territorial partition was seen by most Zionist leaders as the way to gain statehood while according certain national rights to the Palestinians. TRANSFER of Palestinians to neighboring Arab states was also envisaged as a means to ensure the formation of a homogeneous Jewish territory. The implementation of those approaches led to the formation of independent Israel, at the cost of dismembering the Palestinian community and fostering long-term hostility with the Arab world.

—Ann M. Lesch

Abu Lughod, Janet L. "The Demographic Transformation of Palestine." In The Tansformation of Palestine, ed. by Ibrahim Abu-Lughod. Evanston, Ill.: Northestern University Press, 1971.

Caplan, Neil. Palestine Jew1Y and the Arab Question, 1917-25. London: Frank Cass, 1978.

Farsoun, Samih K., and Christina Zacharia. Palestine and the Palestinians. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996.

Flapan, Simha. Zionism and the Palestinians. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1979.
Granott (Granovsky), Avraham. The Land System in Palestine. London: Frank CaBs, 1978.

Hadawi, Sami. Bitter Harvest Palestine 1914-1979. Rev. ed. Delmar, N.Y.: Caravan Books, 1979.

Hattis, Susan Lee. The Bi-National Idea in Palestine during Mandato1Y Times. Haifa: Shikmona Publishing Co., 1970.

Hertzberg, Arthur, ed. The Zionist Idea. New York: Atheneum, 1969.

Hurewitz, J. C. The Struggle for Palestine. Reprint. New York: Schocken Books, 1976.

Lesch, Ann Mosely. Arab Politics in Palestine, 1917-1939. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1979.

Mandel, Neville. "Attempts at an Arab-Zionist Entente, 1913-1914," Middle Eastern Studies 1 (1965).

----."Turks, Arabs, and Jewish Immigration into Palestine, 1882-1914," St. Antony's Papers 17 (1965).

Mansur, George. The Arab Worker under the Palestine Mandate. Jerusalem: Commercial Press, 1937.

Porath, Yehoshua. The Emergence of the Palestinian-Arab National Movement 1918-1929. London: Frank Cass, 1974.

----.Palestinian Arab National Movement, 1929-1939. London: Frank CaBs, 1977.

Ro'i, Yaacov. "The Zionist Attitude to the Arabs, 1908-1914." Middle Eastern Studies 4 (1968).

Ruedy, John. "Dynamics of Land Alienation." In The Transformation of Palestine, ed. by Ibrahim Abu- Lughod. Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press 1071

The Above article was quoted from Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians, edited by Philip Mattar.

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The majority of comments--concerning Zionism specifically--are off topic.

That said, my original post is a compellation of Republican criminal acts, which have been verified by qualified legal professionals--so you can't debate the accuracy of the content.

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